[2008.11.15]南非与世界：”好坏不分”的外交政策

South Africa and the world
南非与世界

The see-no-evil foreign policy
“好坏不分”的外交政策

Nov 13th 2008 | JOHANNESBURG
From The Economist print edition

Why post-apartheid South Africa, once a shining beacon of human rights, is cosying up to nasty regimes around the world
后种族隔离时代的南非一度成为人权圭臬，为何如今同许多流氓政权狼狈为奸

ANOTHER African summit, another disappointment. Any hope that the change of leadership in South Africa might bring change across the border in Zimbabwe has proved in vain. The new president, Kgalema Motlanthe, may sound tougher than his ever-appeasing predecessor, Thabo Mbeki. But he seems no more willing to turn the screws on his errant northern neighbour, Robert Mugabe.
来时满载希望，去时满是失望，次次如此。对于那些寄希望于南非政权更替来给与之接壤的津巴布韦带来变革的人们来说，留下的无不是遗憾。新任总统莫特兰蒂比起”宁事息人”的前任姆贝基或许要立场坚定些。但问题是似乎他也没有好好教训一下劣迹斑斑的北方邻居穆加贝的意思。

Regional leaders meeting on November 9th all but kowtowed to Mr Mugabe over the terms of September’s power-sharing deal with the opposition. This was intended to arrest the country’s political and economic collapse but has foundered, particularly over who should run the interior ministry, and by extension the police. Morgan Tsvangirai, who won more votes than Mr Mugabe in the presidential poll in March, says his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) should be in charge, given that the ruling ZANU-PF controls the army and intelligence organs.
11月9日的大会上，非洲各国领导人对于穆加贝简直就是惟命是从，对其九月份同反对党的权力分享协议也是说一不二。该协议旨在稳定津巴布韦政治经济局势。但津国两党却在谁执掌内政部和警署问题上发生争执。反对党”民主变革运动”则表示其领导人茨瓦吉拉伊在三月的总统大选中所得票数多于穆加贝，所以理应执掌这两个部门，更何况执政党ZANU-PF已经将军队和情报部门收入囊中。

Mr Tsvangirai has good reason to be wary. Human-rights groups report that Mr Mugabe’s henchmen are still persecuting MDC supporters (pictured above); and riot policemen have been back on the streets to break up anti-government protests. Yet leaders of the Southern African Development Community (see map) say the interior ministry should be shared-an unworkable proposal rejected by Mr Tsvangirai. Mr Mugabe seems ready to appoint a cabinet regardless.
但是茨瓦吉拉伊还是小心为妙。一些人权组织的报道表明，穆加贝的爪牙们现在仍旧在迫害MDC的支持者（见上图）；街上到处可见防暴警察阻挠反政府示威活动。然而南部非洲发展共同体的各国领导人却提出一项根本不可行的方案–两党瓜分内务部。茨瓦吉拉伊拒绝了该提议。似乎他准备执意委任内阁。

The MDC, long critical of Mr Mbeki’s mediation, has been calling for others to step in. It is not alone. South Africa’s handling of the Zimbabwean crisis has drawn sharp criticism from many corners. Indeed, among the international human-rights fraternity, post-apartheid South Africa-the democratic, multicultural “rainbow nation” forged by Nelson Mandela-is once again regarded as something of a pariah. Its gentle treatment of Mr Mugabe, once justified by fear of instability on South Africa’s borders, has become part of a wider pattern of alignment with some of the world’s least savoury regimes.
民主变革运动一直很反对姆贝基出面调解，希望其他人能够介入。持这种意见的还不指MDC一家。南非在处理津巴布韦国内危机问题上一直饱受他国诟病。一些国际人权组织已经将后种族隔离时代的南非–这个当年由尼尔森-曼德拉一手打造成民主、多元文化的”彩虹之国”–又一次列为贱民国家。南非曾一度为其对穆加贝放任的态度寻找借口，称若强加干涉可能造成南非边境局势动荡。可如今这种放任的态度已衍化为同其他流氓政权在更为宽泛层面上的谋和。

In the UN Security Council, South Africa has voted against imposing sanctions not only on Zimbabwe but also on Myanmar’s military junta (after last year’s crackdown on peaceful protesters) and Iran (for violating nuclear safeguards). It is now leading efforts to suspend the International Criminal Court’s prosecution of Omar al-Bashir, Sudan’s president, for alleged genocide in Darfur.
比如在联合国安理会的投票中，南非不但反对对津巴布韦进行制裁，还力挺缅甸军阀（多年来，缅甸军阀一直镇压和平示威者）和伊朗（伊朗违反了核武器安全条例）。现在，南非还带头阻挠国际军事法庭对于苏丹总统巴希尔的诉讼。后者被指控在达尔富尔地区犯下了种族灭绝罪。

Its record in the UN Human Rights Council is no better. It has voted to stop monitoring human rights in Uzbekistan, despite widespread torture there, and in Iran, where executions, including those of juvenile offenders, have soared. “Never in my wildest dreams did I believe South Africa would play such a negative role,” says Steve Crawshaw of Human Rights Watch, an international monitoring group.
南非在联合国人权理事会上的口碑同样不好。南非投票支持停止在乌兹别克斯坦和伊朗的人权监测行动。可前者国内严刑拷问现象泛滥，后者死刑数量，包括对于青少年罪犯的死刑数量飙升。人权观察组织的Steve Crawshaw 表示：”我做梦也不会想到南非竟然起了这样消极的作用。”

Shortly before taking over as South Africa’s first democratically elected president in 1994, Mr Mandela vowed that “human rights will be the light that guides our foreign affairs.” After decades of isolation under an apartheid government, Africa’s richest country would return to the world stage as a “beacon of hope” for the oppressed. And it all seemed to begin so well. At home, the new government brought in one of the most progressive constitutions in the world, prohibiting every kind of discrimination and guaranteeing not only the classic civil liberties but also a right to adequate housing, reproductive health care and even to “have the environment protected”. The death penalty was abolished; the abandonment of nuclear weapons confirmed.
1994年，曼德拉当选为南非第一位民选总统后不久就宣布，”维护人权是南非对外政策的准绳。”在历经数十年种族隔离后，南非作为非洲最为富裕的国家戴着”希望的光环 “，跃上了世界舞台，受到那些受压迫国家的顶礼膜拜。一开始，一切似乎进行得井井有条。内政方面，南非创建了足以与任何国家比肩的先进法律体系，禁止一切形式的歧视行为，不仅维护了公民自由，公民的住房、生殖保健也得到了保障。甚至，环保在那时也得到了发展。彼时的南非还废除了死刑，放弃了业已证实的核武器。

Abroad, South Africa launched itself as one of the region’s leading peacemakers, mediating in conflicts across Africa and sending troops into Darfur, Burundi, the Central African Republic and Congo. It was also the leading light behind the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, with an African peer-review system to promote democracy and good governance. Along with Brazil, China, India and Mexico, South Africa is now one of five emerging countries regularly invited to meetings of the G8, the group of the world’s richest states. And whenever reform of the UN Security Council comes up, its name is always among those mooted for a possible new permanent seat.
外交方面，南非积极倡导地区和平，频繁出面协调非洲地区冲突。在达尔富尔、布隆迪、中非共和国和刚果，也可以看到南非维和部队的身影。在南非的带领下，成立了非洲发展新伙伴关系和非洲同行评议体系，促进了民主和治理。南非还同其他四个发展中国家巴西、中国、印度、墨西哥一道，时常被邀请出席被称之为富国俱乐部的八国峰会。只要联合国安理会提出改革，南非总会出现在新常任理事国候选名单上。

But in recent years, Mr Mandela’s promised beacon has begun to look decidedly dim. Since 2006, when South Africa secured a (non-permanent) seat on the Security Council for the first time, it has been chumming up with China, Russia and other authoritarian regimes to water down or block virtually every resolution touching on human rights. It argues that the Security Council (dominated by the five veto-wielding permanent members) should not concern itself with such issues, leaving them to the Human Rights Council (on which developing countries have a controlling majority). But that body has proved as ineffectual as its predecessor, stifling-with South Africa’s help-criticism of the world’s worst tyrants.
可近年来，曼德拉所赋予的光环已逐渐退去。2006年，南非第一次获得了联合国安理会一席（非常任理事国）。自那以后，南非就同中国、俄罗斯和其他专制政权走得越来越近，淡化或者是否决每一项触及人权的决议。它给出的理由是安理会（由五个具有否决权的常任理事国控制），无暇顾及人权问题，应交给人权委员会处理（发展中国家占有绝对多数席位）。但人权委员会和其前身一样效率低下，有了南非的庇护，对最令人发指的种种暴行遮遮掩掩。

Why has democratic South Africa done so much to squander its once acclaimed moral leadership? In truth, the ruling African National Congress has always been cosy with some dictators, such as Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi and Cuba’s Fidel Castro, even under Mr Mandela-largely out of gratitude for past help during the struggle against white rule.
为什么民主的南非会如此挥霍这来之不易的道德领导权呢？事实上，南非执政党非洲国民大会之所以同一些独裁者来往甚密，比如利比亚领导人卡扎菲和古巴领导人卡斯特罗，主要是出于对那些政权在其对抗白人统治所给予的支持的一种回报。这种”感恩”情结甚至在卡斯特罗执政时期就有所表现。

Another reason for its actions can be found in Mr Mandela’s experience in 1995, when he found little support in Africa for action against Nigeria’s former military junta. A bigger reason lies in South Africa’s ambivalent sense of identity, with one foot in the rich world, where its main economic interests continue to lie, and the other in the poor one, with which many of its people identify. Even after the end of white rule, some of South Africa’s neighbours regard it as something of a Trojan horse for the West. Hence its desire constantly to affirm its African credentials while playing down any hegemonic ambitions.
另一个能解释南非这种奇怪现象的理由可以在1995年曼德拉所遭遇的经历中寻出端倪。当时，曼德拉在非洲几乎找不到共同对抗尼日利亚军阀的盟友。另一个更有力的理由是，南非自身定位不明。南非一只脚已迈向了康庄大道，这也是其主要经济利益所在；而另一只脚却深陷贫困泥淖，这也是大众的普遍感知。即便是后白人统治时期，南非的一些邻国仍把其看做是西方在非洲安插的内线。正是因为这种渴望被认可的心理，才使得南非放任他国的专制横行。
South Africa has never sought to define itself as a great force for good in the world, says Aziz Pahad, deputy foreign minister until his resignation in September. Like almost every other country, its foreign policy is based not on morality but primarily on its own national interest. And that, says Mr Pahad, lies in creating a new and more equitable world order.
9月份刚辞职的南非前外交副部长Aziz Pahad表示南非从未定位于永远的世界强国。和其他的国家一样，南非的外交政策的准绳不是道德而主要是自身的国家利益。而要实现这点，就需要构建一个全新的更加公平的世界格局，Pahad这样表示道。

Thus South Africa’s earlier talk about setting Africa’s house in order has given way to pushing for more representation of poorer countries in multilateral institutions such as the UN Security Council, the IMF and the World Bank. South Africa’s ambition to gain a greater voice means making common cause not just with its African neighbours but also with the rest of the poor world, democratic or not.
正基于此，南非舍弃了原先的自扫门前雪的政策，转而在许多国际机构中，比如联合国安理会、国际货币基金组织和世界银行，为贫穷国家说话。为了寻求更大的话语权，南非不但得和非洲邻国联合起来，而且得和其他贫穷国家，无论民主与否都保持好关系。

Many South Africans say that rich countries’ strictures on democracy and human rights will carry little moral force until poorer countries have a bigger say in running the affairs of the world. Not all agree. Turning a blind eye to oppression abroad is “a betrayal of our own noble past”, argues Desmond Tutu, a Nobel peace-prize winner and a hero of the struggle against white rule. “If others had used the arguments we are using today when we asked them for their support against apartheid we might still have been unfree,” he says.
许多南非人认为如果贫穷国家在国际事务上无法得到更大的话语权，那么发达国家对于民主和人权的苛责就无从谈起。并非人人都认同这种说法。诺贝尔和平奖得主、反白人统治英雄Desmond Tutu表示，无视国外的压迫统治是”违背了我们光荣的传统”。”当年，我们请求他国给予我们帮助以共抗种族隔离的时候，如果他们用我们今天的借口来搪塞的话，或许我们今天还没得到自由呢。”

译者：james0401047  http://www.ecocn.org/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=15498&extra=page%3D1