[2008.05.31] Goodbye to all that 尼泊尔挥别过去

Nepal
尼泊尔

Goodbye to all that
挥别过去

May 29th 2008 | KATHMANDU
From The Economist print edition
2008年5月29日/加德满都
《经济学人》印刷版

The abolition of the monarchy may be the easy part for Nepal’s government
对尼泊尔新政府来说,废除君主制仅是一个开端


Off with his crown!
卸去王冠!


AT 6.15pm the fountains were switched on. The water danced. The white-clad military band stood to attention. And waited. And waited. After 239 years of rule by the Shah royal dynasty, perhaps it was inevitable that the last few hours of waiting for the monarchy to be abolished and a republic set up should also be long and drawn-out. When the announcement came, it was greeted with cheers. Three bombs had gone off earlier in the day. Yet all things considered, the decision, momentous as it was, sparked neither bitter complaint nor intense celebration.
18 时15分,喷泉开启,水花跃舞。军乐队身着白色制服,肃立等待。时间一分一秒逝去。在经历了沙阿王朝239年的统治之后,废除王权、建立共和的最后时刻难 免会显得漫长而令人焦灼。公告发表之时,欢声雷动。此前,尼发生了三起爆炸案。尽管仪式的准备极尽周全,但这一历史性的时刻并未引发太大反响,民众既未哀 天怨地,亦未欢天喜地。

Perhaps the long period of violence and uncertainty beforehand had something to do with it. Nepal has seen a decade-long civil war; two postponed elections; a massacre of the royal family; the grabbing of absolute power by the king and the handing back of it again; and most recently, victory in elections by Maoist former guerrillas. Nepalis could be forgiven for being uncertain of what lies in store.
尼经历了多年动乱,且此前局势的发展并不确定,这些可能是各界对废黜缺乏关注的原因。内战数十载、选举两度延宕、王室发生血案、国王一度擅权后又交权、最近毛派游击队赢得选举。也难怪尼泊尔民众对未来感到迷茫。

The country’s constituent assembly voted to abolish King Gyanendra’s house by 560 votes to 4. The king’s unpopularity, among assembly members and the ordinary Nepalis who elected them in April, was well earned. In 1990, his brother, King Birendra, bowed to popular demands and became a constitutional monarch, attaining respect and affection as a result.
尼制宪会议以560票对4票的结果通过了对贾南德拉国王的废黜。贾在尼普通民众及4月份选出的制宪会议成员间声名不佳,他的废黜绝非偶然。1990年,其兄比南德拉国王顺应民意,改制为君主立宪,并因此深孚众意。

When the Maoists began their insurrection in the western hills in 1996, getting rid of the crown was not on their agenda. Yet Gyanendra alienated supporters by grabbing dictatorial powers in 2005, only to be forced to hand them back again after a clumsy attempted crackdown turned peaceful protests into nationwide strikes. Most Nepalis believe—without any evidence—that Gyanendra and his unpopular playboy son, Paras, were involved in the royal massacre of 2001 when Crown Prince Dipendra killed his immediate family, several other relatives and himself.
1996年,毛派在尼西部山区起事之时,废黜王室并非其目标。然而贾南德拉在2005年独擅大权,并因此丧失了支持。此 后,贾南德拉曾试图镇压国内和平示威,却引起了全国范围的大罢工。迫于此,贾南德拉才重又交出权力。2001年尼王室发生血案,王储迪彭德拉在枪杀其父母 及多位亲属之后自杀身亡。虽无确凿证据,但尼多数民众认为贾南德拉及其浪荡子帕拉斯难脱其身。

The royal family was once revered as the reincarnation of Hindu gods. But the massacre undermined faith in the monarchy in general, and turned Nepalis against this king in particular. Before he ascended the throne, Gyanendra had been a successful businessman. He will be allowed to stay in Nepal and return to commerce. His palace will become a museum.
在尼国内,王室曾一度被视为印度教天神转世。但血案的发生动摇了民众的信仰,并导致尼泊尔人对贾南德拉的极度不满。贾南德拉继位之前曾是一位成功的商人。退位之后,他还可以留在尼境内从商。昔日的宫宇将改成博物馆。

But for the man who engineered the king’s departure, tougher choices lie ahead. This is the leader of Nepal’s Maoists, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, better known as Prachanda, which means “awesome”. Prachanda has long said he would become the first president of a Nepalese republic. He stands on the brink of achieving that ambition. His problems start then.
但对于此次废黜的推动者来说,困难才刚刚开始。毛派领袖普什帕•卡马尔•达哈尔(即众人熟知的普拉昌达,在尼泊尔语中意为“令人敬畏”)一直宣称要任尼泊尔共和国首任总统。现在,他距此目标仅一步之遥,但问题也就此而生。

The Maoists are the biggest party, but do not have a majority. Nepal is led by a fractious coalition, which the Maoists want to widen by including regional parties from the south and south-east. That may make managing the coalition trickier.
身为尼国内最大党派,毛派却未获得议会多数。尼执政联盟内部龃龉不断,毛派希望将尼南部及东南部的地方政党也拉入其中。但这一举动可能会使得执政联盟愈发难以控制。

The abolition of the monarchy is a first step in a much wider reform. Laws and even customs deemed to go against the country’s status as a republic are to be repealed. Many politicians who supported Prachanda’s demand to abolish the monarchy will not necessarily back proposals for what should replace it. For example, the parties of the south and south-east want extensive regional autonomy. Prachanda seems unlikely to give it to them.
废除君主制只是一系列改革的第一步。凡是与共和制不符的法规甚至习俗都将废止。许多政客支持普拉昌达废除君主制,却不见得支持他的后续方案。比如,南部及东南部政党要求给予各地区更大的自治权,但这一要求恐怕不会获得普拉昌达的同意。

He will also have to get to grips with the aftermath of the civil war. The former royal army is 90,000-strong. Nepal also has 23,000 Maoist ex-combatants kicking their heels in temporary camps. The Maoists want to merge the two forces. The army’s high command is reluctant.
多年内战的善后工作是他的另一大挑战。前皇家卫队员额超过9万,此外还有安置在临时营房里的23万昔日的毛派游击队成员正蠢蠢欲动。毛派希望将两批武装力量合而为一,但皇家卫队司令却不愿意。

Then there are economic and social promises to fulfil. The Maoists want to push through land reform, emancipate the lower castes and seek foreign investment. With growth slowing, that would be hard enough by itself. Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown—and the breast that sports a presidential sash.
此外,曾经的经济和社会改革承诺仍需兑现。毛派试图推行土地改革、解放社会底层并吸引外资。但尼国内经济发展迟缓,改革绝非易事。无论是曾经的国王,还是未来的总统,都将会寝食难安了。
译者: houyhnhnm    http://www.ecocn.org/forum/viewthread.php?tid=11817

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